单项选择题

For health insurance, the United States has taken the road less traveled. The United States is the only rich country without universal health insurance. People in the United States spend the most, rely heavily on the private sector, and obtain care from the world"s most complicated delivery system. While some supporters have expressed satisfaction, if not pride, in these remarkable qualities, others contend that the United States faces unique limitations in reforming health care. In her exceptional book, Parting at the Crossroads, Antonia Maioni compares the formation of the U.S. and Canadian health-care systems for the years 1930-60. The United States and Canada are often considered the most similar of Western democracies. They share a common border, are wealthy, and have federal government. Their trade unions are only moderately powerful, and their populations are diverse and young. Nevertheless, their health-insurance systems are nearly opposite. The United States relies on a mix of government plans, targeted to the elderly and indigent, and employment-based plans, which the government indirectly supports. Canada offers public health insurance to all qualified residents, with the private sector providing supplementary "services in some provinces. Labor organizations became strong advocates for health-insurance reform in both countries. Their impact partially depended on political institutions and how other actors, particularly organized medicine, wielded them. Canada"s governmental and electoral systems allowed labor to cooperate with a social democratic party in the Saskatchewan Province, which established a universal program. The Saskatchewan program demonstrated universal insurance feasibility, spurring the dominant Liberals to introduce a national universal program. In contrast, the U. S. electoral system effectively precluded third-party formation, forcing organized labor to dilute its health-insurance goals because it was one of many interests represented by the Democratic Party. Maioni suggested that economic vitality is important for the future of both countries" systems, but the prognosis is uncertain. Despite recent concerns about the Canadian government"s budgetary health, Maioni contends that widespread support protects universal insurance. Conversely, Maioni seems pessimistic about options for U.S. universal health insurance. Despite economic buoyancy, dissension will likely prevent reforms. Although a devastating economic downturn would make health finance difficult in either country, the U.S. system seems especially vulnerable. Employment-based insurance and Medicare both rely on labor market attachment. High, chronic unemployment could result in coverage loss and financial difficulties for employer insurance and Medicare, swelling the uninsured pool. Such a crisis could provide an opening for universal health insurance. In any case, whether the United States relies on the public or private sector, escalating health expenditures figure into budget of government, corporations, and families. The U.S. health care system"s future may depend on Americans" willingness to devote more of their national income to health care.From the first sentence we learn that the United States______.

A.has gone astray about what it does with health insurance
B.has complicated its health insurance policy and confused its people
C.has reformed its health care to its average people"s satisfaction
D.carries out a difference health insurance policy form other Western countries
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单项选择题

People don"t want to buy information online. Why Because they don"t have to. No more than that because they"re used to not paying for it. That"s the conventional wisdom. Slate, Microsoft"s online politics-and-culture magazine, is an oft-cited example of the failed attempts to charge a fee for access to content. So far, for most publishers, it hasn"t worked. But nothing on the Web is a done deal. In September graphics-soft-ware powerhouse Adobe announced new applications that integrate commerce into downloading books and articles online, with Simon & Schuster, Barnes and Noble, and Salon. corn among its high-profile partners. Some analysts put the market for digitized publishing at more than $100 billion. Of course, if the Internet can generate that kind of money—some might say almost any kind of money—people want in. And this couldn"t come at a better time. Newspaper and magazine writers in particular are increasingly frustrated by their publishers, which post their writings online but frequently don"t pay them extra. So here"s the good news: Fathrain. com, the third biggest book-seller on the Net—after Amazon. com and Barnesandnoble. corn—is now doing just what the publishing industry that made it a success fears., it"s offering a secure way to pay for downloadable manuscripts online. Fatbrain calls it offshoot eMatter. With it, the company"s executives have the radical notion of ousting publishers from the book-selling business altogether by giving writers 50% of each and every sale (To reel in authors, eMatter is running a 100% royalty promotion until the end of the year. ) Suggested prices to consumers range from a minimum $ 2 to $ 20, depending on the size of the book to download. "This will change publishing forever!" Chris MaeAskill, co-founder and chief executive of Fatbrain, declares with the bravado of an interior decorator. "With eBay, anybody could sell antiques. Now anybody can be published. " There"s been no shortage of authors wanting in. Within a few weeks, according to the company, some 2,000 writers signed on to publish their works. Some of this is technical stuff—Fatbrain got where it is by specializing in technical books—but there are some well-known writers like Catherine Lanigan, author of Romancing the Stone, who has put her out-of-print books and a new novella on the site. Another popular draw is Richard Bach, who agreed to post a 23-page short story to the site. Not everyone thinks downloadable documents are the biggest thing in publishing since Oprah"s Book Club. "I think it will appeal to sellers more than buyers," says Michael May, a digitalcommerce analyst at Jupiter Communications, which released a report that cast doubt on the market"s potential. "A lot of people are going to publish gibberish. The challenge is to ensure the quality of the work. " Blaine Mathieu, an analyst at Gartner Group"s Dataquest, says, "Most people who want digital content want it immediately, I don"t know if this model would satisfy their immediate need. Even authors may not find that Web distribution of their works is going to bring them a pot of gold. For one thing, it could undermine sales rather than enhance them. For another, anybody could e-mail downloaded copies of manuscripts around town or around the world over the Net without the writer"s ever seeing a proverbial dime. " Softlock. com, Authentica and Fatbrain are trying to head this problem off by developing encryption padlocks that would allow only one hard drive to receive and print the manuscripts. For now, the problem persists.According to the passage, the author implies that people don"t have to buy information on Net because______.

A.it"s always free to download information from websites
B.most writers offer free copies on Net
C.publishing companies offer free copies on Net
D.anybody can e-mail downloaded copies
单项选择题

Credibility about messages is high, because they are reported in independent media. A newspaper review of a movie has more believability than an ad in the same paper, because the reader associates independence with objectivity. Similarly, people are more likely to pay attention to news reports than ads. Readers spend time reading the stories, but they flip through the ads. Furthermore, there may be 10 commercials during a half-hour television program or hundreds of ads in a magazine. Feature stories are much fewer in number and stand out clearly. Publicity also has some significant limitations. A firm has little control over messages, their timing, their placement, or their coverage by a given medium. It may issue detailed news releases and find only portions cited by the media; and media have the ability to be much more critical than a company would like. For example, in 1982, Proctrer & Gamble faced a substantial publicity problem over the meaning of its 123-year-old company logo. A few ministers and other private citizens believed that the symbol was sacrilegious. These beliefs were covered extensively by the media and resulted in the firm receiving 15,000 phone calls about the rumor in June alone. To combat this negative publicity, the firm issued news releases featuring prominent clergy that refuted the rumors, threatened to sue those people spreading the stories, and had a spokesperson appear on Good Morning America. The media cooperated with the company and the false rumor were temporarily put to rest. However, in 1985, negative publicity became so disruptive that Procter & Gamble decided to remove the logo from its products. A firm may want publicity during certain periods, such as when a new product is introduced or new store opened, but the media may not cover the introduction or opening until after the time it would aid the firm. Similarly, media determine the placement of a story; it may follow a report on crime or sports. Finally, the media ascertain whether to cover a story at all and the amount of coverage to be devoted to it. A company-sponsored jobs program might go unreported or receive three-sentence coverage in a local newspaper.The author mentions all of the following advantages of publicity EXCEPT______.

A.having attentiveness
B.having no time costs
C.having high credibility
D.having high profitability
单项选择题

Hippies were members of a youth movement of the 1960"s and 1970"s that started in the United States and spread to Canada, Great Britain, and many other countries. The hippies rejected the customs, traditions, and life styles of society and tried to develop those of their own. Most hippies came from white middle-class families and ranged in age from 15 to 25 years old. They thought too many adults cared about making money and little else. The term hippie may come from the word hip, which means "turned-in" or aware. Hippies wanted a world based on love of humanity and peace. Many believed that wonderful, magical changes were about to take place. They thought these changes would happen as soon as people learned to express their feelings honestly and to behave naturally at all times. Hippies strongly opposed U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War. Many hippies lived together in small groups, working with one another and sharing possessions. Others refused to be tied down to a fixed job or home. They wandered from place to place seeking part-time work and temporary shelter. Some begged for spare change and lived in the streets or camped in parks or other public lands. Hippies were sometimes called "flower children" because they gave people flowers to communicate gentleness and love. They let their hair grow long and walked barefoot or in sandals. Hippies attracted public attention by wearing clothing that featured unusual combinations of colors and textures. A large number of hippies used marijuana, LSD, and other drugs. Drug experiences shaped many of their symbols and ideas. The Beatles, a popular English rock group, helped spread the hippie movement with their song. Hippie favorites included such other rock groups as the Grateful Dead and the Jefferson Airplane, singers Joan Baez and Bob Dylan, poet Allen Ginsberg, and novelist Ken Kesey. Many hippies admired Timothy Leary, a psychologist who preached salvation through the use of drugs. In time, most hippies realized it was not easy to reform society by "dropping"out" of it. Some joined more organized political movements to work for specific social causes. Others turned to spirituality or religion. The majority simply left the hippie stage of their lives behind while trying to hold on to at least a few of the ideals that once inspired them.It can be inferred from the passage that hippies called themselves "hippies" because______.

A.they wanted to be different and independent
B.they wanted people to be aware of the necessity for radical changes
C.they considered traditional values worthless
D.they begged people to notice the changes around themselves
单项选择题

For health insurance, the United States has taken the road less traveled. The United States is the only rich country without universal health insurance. People in the United States spend the most, rely heavily on the private sector, and obtain care from the world"s most complicated delivery system. While some supporters have expressed satisfaction, if not pride, in these remarkable qualities, others contend that the United States faces unique limitations in reforming health care. In her exceptional book, Parting at the Crossroads, Antonia Maioni compares the formation of the U.S. and Canadian health-care systems for the years 1930-60. The United States and Canada are often considered the most similar of Western democracies. They share a common border, are wealthy, and have federal government. Their trade unions are only moderately powerful, and their populations are diverse and young. Nevertheless, their health-insurance systems are nearly opposite. The United States relies on a mix of government plans, targeted to the elderly and indigent, and employment-based plans, which the government indirectly supports. Canada offers public health insurance to all qualified residents, with the private sector providing supplementary "services in some provinces. Labor organizations became strong advocates for health-insurance reform in both countries. Their impact partially depended on political institutions and how other actors, particularly organized medicine, wielded them. Canada"s governmental and electoral systems allowed labor to cooperate with a social democratic party in the Saskatchewan Province, which established a universal program. The Saskatchewan program demonstrated universal insurance feasibility, spurring the dominant Liberals to introduce a national universal program. In contrast, the U. S. electoral system effectively precluded third-party formation, forcing organized labor to dilute its health-insurance goals because it was one of many interests represented by the Democratic Party. Maioni suggested that economic vitality is important for the future of both countries" systems, but the prognosis is uncertain. Despite recent concerns about the Canadian government"s budgetary health, Maioni contends that widespread support protects universal insurance. Conversely, Maioni seems pessimistic about options for U.S. universal health insurance. Despite economic buoyancy, dissension will likely prevent reforms. Although a devastating economic downturn would make health finance difficult in either country, the U.S. system seems especially vulnerable. Employment-based insurance and Medicare both rely on labor market attachment. High, chronic unemployment could result in coverage loss and financial difficulties for employer insurance and Medicare, swelling the uninsured pool. Such a crisis could provide an opening for universal health insurance. In any case, whether the United States relies on the public or private sector, escalating health expenditures figure into budget of government, corporations, and families. The U.S. health care system"s future may depend on Americans" willingness to devote more of their national income to health care.From the first sentence we learn that the United States______.

A.has gone astray about what it does with health insurance
B.has complicated its health insurance policy and confused its people
C.has reformed its health care to its average people"s satisfaction
D.carries out a difference health insurance policy form other Western countries
单项选择题

People don"t want to buy information online. Why Because they don"t have to. No more than that because they"re used to not paying for it. That"s the conventional wisdom. Slate, Microsoft"s online politics-and-culture magazine, is an oft-cited example of the failed attempts to charge a fee for access to content. So far, for most publishers, it hasn"t worked. But nothing on the Web is a done deal. In September graphics-soft-ware powerhouse Adobe announced new applications that integrate commerce into downloading books and articles online, with Simon & Schuster, Barnes and Noble, and Salon. corn among its high-profile partners. Some analysts put the market for digitized publishing at more than $100 billion. Of course, if the Internet can generate that kind of money—some might say almost any kind of money—people want in. And this couldn"t come at a better time. Newspaper and magazine writers in particular are increasingly frustrated by their publishers, which post their writings online but frequently don"t pay them extra. So here"s the good news: Fathrain. com, the third biggest book-seller on the Net—after Amazon. com and Barnesandnoble. corn—is now doing just what the publishing industry that made it a success fears., it"s offering a secure way to pay for downloadable manuscripts online. Fatbrain calls it offshoot eMatter. With it, the company"s executives have the radical notion of ousting publishers from the book-selling business altogether by giving writers 50% of each and every sale (To reel in authors, eMatter is running a 100% royalty promotion until the end of the year. ) Suggested prices to consumers range from a minimum $ 2 to $ 20, depending on the size of the book to download. "This will change publishing forever!" Chris MaeAskill, co-founder and chief executive of Fatbrain, declares with the bravado of an interior decorator. "With eBay, anybody could sell antiques. Now anybody can be published. " There"s been no shortage of authors wanting in. Within a few weeks, according to the company, some 2,000 writers signed on to publish their works. Some of this is technical stuff—Fatbrain got where it is by specializing in technical books—but there are some well-known writers like Catherine Lanigan, author of Romancing the Stone, who has put her out-of-print books and a new novella on the site. Another popular draw is Richard Bach, who agreed to post a 23-page short story to the site. Not everyone thinks downloadable documents are the biggest thing in publishing since Oprah"s Book Club. "I think it will appeal to sellers more than buyers," says Michael May, a digitalcommerce analyst at Jupiter Communications, which released a report that cast doubt on the market"s potential. "A lot of people are going to publish gibberish. The challenge is to ensure the quality of the work. " Blaine Mathieu, an analyst at Gartner Group"s Dataquest, says, "Most people who want digital content want it immediately, I don"t know if this model would satisfy their immediate need. Even authors may not find that Web distribution of their works is going to bring them a pot of gold. For one thing, it could undermine sales rather than enhance them. For another, anybody could e-mail downloaded copies of manuscripts around town or around the world over the Net without the writer"s ever seeing a proverbial dime. " Softlock. com, Authentica and Fatbrain are trying to head this problem off by developing encryption padlocks that would allow only one hard drive to receive and print the manuscripts. For now, the problem persists.Which of the following is NOT a reason for some people"s belief that e-publishers will not succeed

A.Readers often want immediate digital content.
B.Authors usually do not believe they"ll earn money on Net.
C.The quality of the books on Net is hard to manage.
D.Books that sell well usually do not turn to Net.
问答题

In the following text, some sentences have been removed. For Questions (41-45), choose the most suitable one from the list A-G to fit into each of the numbered blank. There are two extra choices, which do not fit in any of the gaps. In 1959 the average American family paid $ 989 for a year"s supply of food. In 1972 the family paid $1,311.That was a price increase of nearly one-third. Every family has had this sort of experience. Everyone agrees that the cost of feeding a family has risen sharply. 41.______. Many blame the farmers who produce the vegetables, fruit, meat, eggs, and cheese that stores offer for sale. According to the U. S. Department of Agriculture, the farmer"s share of the $1,311 spent by the family in 1972 was $ 521.This was 31 per cent more than the farmer had received in 1959. But farmers claim that this increase was very small compared to the increase in their cost of living. 42.______These include truck drivers, meat packers, manufacturers of packages and other food containers, and the owners of stores where food is sold. They are among the "middlemen" who stand between the farmer and the people who buy and eat the food. Are middlemen the ones to blame for rising food prices Of the $1,311 family food bill in 1972, middlement received $ 790, which was 33 percent more than they had received in 1959.It appears that the middlemen"s profit has increased more than farmer"s. 43.According to economists at the First National City Bank, the profit for meat packers and food stores amounted to less than one percent. During the same period all other manufacturers were making a profit of more than five percent. By comparison with other members of the economic system both farmers and middlemen have profited surprisingly little from the rise in food prices. 44.______The economists at First National City Bank have an answer to give housewives, but many people will not like it. These economists blame the housewife herself for the jump in food prices. They say that food costs more now because women don"t want to spend much time in the kitchen. Women prefer to buy food which has already been prepared before it reaches the market. Vegetables and chicken cost more when they have been cut into pieces by someone other than the one who buys it. A family should expect to pay more when several "TV dinners" are taken home from the store. These are fully cooked meals, consisting of meat, vegetables, and sometimes dessert, all arranged on a metal dish. The dish is put into the oven and heated while the housewife is doing something else. Such a convenience costs money. 45. Economists remind us that many modem housewives have jobs outside the home. They earn money that helps to pay the family food bills. The housewife naturally has less time and energy for cooking after a day"s work. She wants to buy many kinds of food that can be put on her family"s table easily and quickly. "If the housewife wants all of these, " the economists say, "that is her privilege, but she must be prepared to pay for the services of those who make her work easier. " It appears that the answer to the question of rising prices is not a simple one. Producers, consumers, and middlemen all share the responsibility for the sharp rise in food costs. [A] However, some economists believe that controls can have negative effects over a long period of time. In cities with rent control, the city government sets the maximum rent that a landlord can charge for an apartment. [B] Farmers tend to blame others for the sharp rise in food prices. They particularly blame those who process the farm products after the products leave the farm. [C] Thus, as economists point out: "Some of the basic reasons for widening food price spreads are easily traceable to the increasing use of convenience foods, which transfer much of the time and work of meal preparation from the kitchen to the food processor"s plant. " [D] But some economists claim that the middleman"s actual profit was very low. [E] Who then is actually responsible for the size of the bill a housewife must pay before she carries the food home from the store" [F] But there is less agreement when reasons for the rise are being discussed. Who is really responsible [G] Economists do not. agree on some of the predictions. They also do not agree on the value of different decisions. Some economists support a particular decision while others criticize it.

答案: 正确答案:F
单项选择题

For health insurance, the United States has taken the road less traveled. The United States is the only rich country without universal health insurance. People in the United States spend the most, rely heavily on the private sector, and obtain care from the world"s most complicated delivery system. While some supporters have expressed satisfaction, if not pride, in these remarkable qualities, others contend that the United States faces unique limitations in reforming health care. In her exceptional book, Parting at the Crossroads, Antonia Maioni compares the formation of the U.S. and Canadian health-care systems for the years 1930-60. The United States and Canada are often considered the most similar of Western democracies. They share a common border, are wealthy, and have federal government. Their trade unions are only moderately powerful, and their populations are diverse and young. Nevertheless, their health-insurance systems are nearly opposite. The United States relies on a mix of government plans, targeted to the elderly and indigent, and employment-based plans, which the government indirectly supports. Canada offers public health insurance to all qualified residents, with the private sector providing supplementary "services in some provinces. Labor organizations became strong advocates for health-insurance reform in both countries. Their impact partially depended on political institutions and how other actors, particularly organized medicine, wielded them. Canada"s governmental and electoral systems allowed labor to cooperate with a social democratic party in the Saskatchewan Province, which established a universal program. The Saskatchewan program demonstrated universal insurance feasibility, spurring the dominant Liberals to introduce a national universal program. In contrast, the U. S. electoral system effectively precluded third-party formation, forcing organized labor to dilute its health-insurance goals because it was one of many interests represented by the Democratic Party. Maioni suggested that economic vitality is important for the future of both countries" systems, but the prognosis is uncertain. Despite recent concerns about the Canadian government"s budgetary health, Maioni contends that widespread support protects universal insurance. Conversely, Maioni seems pessimistic about options for U.S. universal health insurance. Despite economic buoyancy, dissension will likely prevent reforms. Although a devastating economic downturn would make health finance difficult in either country, the U.S. system seems especially vulnerable. Employment-based insurance and Medicare both rely on labor market attachment. High, chronic unemployment could result in coverage loss and financial difficulties for employer insurance and Medicare, swelling the uninsured pool. Such a crisis could provide an opening for universal health insurance. In any case, whether the United States relies on the public or private sector, escalating health expenditures figure into budget of government, corporations, and families. The U.S. health care system"s future may depend on Americans" willingness to devote more of their national income to health care.Canadian health-care systems are different from those of the U.S. in that______.

A.the federal government is directly responsible for them
B.private sectors in Canada play a more important role
C.the government only indirectly supports the employment-based plans
D.the trade unions in both countries are only moderately powerful in such matters
单项选择题

Credibility about messages is high, because they are reported in independent media. A newspaper review of a movie has more believability than an ad in the same paper, because the reader associates independence with objectivity. Similarly, people are more likely to pay attention to news reports than ads. Readers spend time reading the stories, but they flip through the ads. Furthermore, there may be 10 commercials during a half-hour television program or hundreds of ads in a magazine. Feature stories are much fewer in number and stand out clearly. Publicity also has some significant limitations. A firm has little control over messages, their timing, their placement, or their coverage by a given medium. It may issue detailed news releases and find only portions cited by the media; and media have the ability to be much more critical than a company would like. For example, in 1982, Proctrer & Gamble faced a substantial publicity problem over the meaning of its 123-year-old company logo. A few ministers and other private citizens believed that the symbol was sacrilegious. These beliefs were covered extensively by the media and resulted in the firm receiving 15,000 phone calls about the rumor in June alone. To combat this negative publicity, the firm issued news releases featuring prominent clergy that refuted the rumors, threatened to sue those people spreading the stories, and had a spokesperson appear on Good Morning America. The media cooperated with the company and the false rumor were temporarily put to rest. However, in 1985, negative publicity became so disruptive that Procter & Gamble decided to remove the logo from its products. A firm may want publicity during certain periods, such as when a new product is introduced or new store opened, but the media may not cover the introduction or opening until after the time it would aid the firm. Similarly, media determine the placement of a story; it may follow a report on crime or sports. Finally, the media ascertain whether to cover a story at all and the amount of coverage to be devoted to it. A company-sponsored jobs program might go unreported or receive three-sentence coverage in a local newspaper.People are more likely to believe in news reports than ads because______.

A.they reach a larger audience than ads do
B.they are more objective
C.they appear in independent media
D.they are much more in number and stand out clearly
单项选择题

Hippies were members of a youth movement of the 1960"s and 1970"s that started in the United States and spread to Canada, Great Britain, and many other countries. The hippies rejected the customs, traditions, and life styles of society and tried to develop those of their own. Most hippies came from white middle-class families and ranged in age from 15 to 25 years old. They thought too many adults cared about making money and little else. The term hippie may come from the word hip, which means "turned-in" or aware. Hippies wanted a world based on love of humanity and peace. Many believed that wonderful, magical changes were about to take place. They thought these changes would happen as soon as people learned to express their feelings honestly and to behave naturally at all times. Hippies strongly opposed U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War. Many hippies lived together in small groups, working with one another and sharing possessions. Others refused to be tied down to a fixed job or home. They wandered from place to place seeking part-time work and temporary shelter. Some begged for spare change and lived in the streets or camped in parks or other public lands. Hippies were sometimes called "flower children" because they gave people flowers to communicate gentleness and love. They let their hair grow long and walked barefoot or in sandals. Hippies attracted public attention by wearing clothing that featured unusual combinations of colors and textures. A large number of hippies used marijuana, LSD, and other drugs. Drug experiences shaped many of their symbols and ideas. The Beatles, a popular English rock group, helped spread the hippie movement with their song. Hippie favorites included such other rock groups as the Grateful Dead and the Jefferson Airplane, singers Joan Baez and Bob Dylan, poet Allen Ginsberg, and novelist Ken Kesey. Many hippies admired Timothy Leary, a psychologist who preached salvation through the use of drugs. In time, most hippies realized it was not easy to reform society by "dropping"out" of it. Some joined more organized political movements to work for specific social causes. Others turned to spirituality or religion. The majority simply left the hippie stage of their lives behind while trying to hold on to at least a few of the ideals that once inspired them.Hippies gave flowers to people because they______.

A.wanted a world based on love of humanity and peace
B.could not find jobs and had to sell flowers for a living
C.wanted to tell people that they were badly in need of love
D.wanted to show people that they meant no harm to them
单项选择题

People don"t want to buy information online. Why Because they don"t have to. No more than that because they"re used to not paying for it. That"s the conventional wisdom. Slate, Microsoft"s online politics-and-culture magazine, is an oft-cited example of the failed attempts to charge a fee for access to content. So far, for most publishers, it hasn"t worked. But nothing on the Web is a done deal. In September graphics-soft-ware powerhouse Adobe announced new applications that integrate commerce into downloading books and articles online, with Simon & Schuster, Barnes and Noble, and Salon. corn among its high-profile partners. Some analysts put the market for digitized publishing at more than $100 billion. Of course, if the Internet can generate that kind of money—some might say almost any kind of money—people want in. And this couldn"t come at a better time. Newspaper and magazine writers in particular are increasingly frustrated by their publishers, which post their writings online but frequently don"t pay them extra. So here"s the good news: Fathrain. com, the third biggest book-seller on the Net—after Amazon. com and Barnesandnoble. corn—is now doing just what the publishing industry that made it a success fears., it"s offering a secure way to pay for downloadable manuscripts online. Fatbrain calls it offshoot eMatter. With it, the company"s executives have the radical notion of ousting publishers from the book-selling business altogether by giving writers 50% of each and every sale (To reel in authors, eMatter is running a 100% royalty promotion until the end of the year. ) Suggested prices to consumers range from a minimum $ 2 to $ 20, depending on the size of the book to download. "This will change publishing forever!" Chris MaeAskill, co-founder and chief executive of Fatbrain, declares with the bravado of an interior decorator. "With eBay, anybody could sell antiques. Now anybody can be published. " There"s been no shortage of authors wanting in. Within a few weeks, according to the company, some 2,000 writers signed on to publish their works. Some of this is technical stuff—Fatbrain got where it is by specializing in technical books—but there are some well-known writers like Catherine Lanigan, author of Romancing the Stone, who has put her out-of-print books and a new novella on the site. Another popular draw is Richard Bach, who agreed to post a 23-page short story to the site. Not everyone thinks downloadable documents are the biggest thing in publishing since Oprah"s Book Club. "I think it will appeal to sellers more than buyers," says Michael May, a digitalcommerce analyst at Jupiter Communications, which released a report that cast doubt on the market"s potential. "A lot of people are going to publish gibberish. The challenge is to ensure the quality of the work. " Blaine Mathieu, an analyst at Gartner Group"s Dataquest, says, "Most people who want digital content want it immediately, I don"t know if this model would satisfy their immediate need. Even authors may not find that Web distribution of their works is going to bring them a pot of gold. For one thing, it could undermine sales rather than enhance them. For another, anybody could e-mail downloaded copies of manuscripts around town or around the world over the Net without the writer"s ever seeing a proverbial dime. " Softlock. com, Authentica and Fatbrain are trying to head this problem off by developing encryption padlocks that would allow only one hard drive to receive and print the manuscripts. For now, the problem persists.What is implied in the passage about the publishers" practice now

A.They are willingly engaged in the e-publishing business.
B.They usually do not pay extra royalty for their e-versions.
C.They can publish anyone"s works on Net.
D.They lack the sense of responsibility for their authors.
问答题

In the following text, some sentences have been removed. For Questions (41-45), choose the most suitable one from the list A-G to fit into each of the numbered blank. There are two extra choices, which do not fit in any of the gaps. In 1959 the average American family paid $ 989 for a year"s supply of food. In 1972 the family paid $1,311.That was a price increase of nearly one-third. Every family has had this sort of experience. Everyone agrees that the cost of feeding a family has risen sharply. 41.______. Many blame the farmers who produce the vegetables, fruit, meat, eggs, and cheese that stores offer for sale. According to the U. S. Department of Agriculture, the farmer"s share of the $1,311 spent by the family in 1972 was $ 521.This was 31 per cent more than the farmer had received in 1959. But farmers claim that this increase was very small compared to the increase in their cost of living. 42.______These include truck drivers, meat packers, manufacturers of packages and other food containers, and the owners of stores where food is sold. They are among the "middlemen" who stand between the farmer and the people who buy and eat the food. Are middlemen the ones to blame for rising food prices Of the $1,311 family food bill in 1972, middlement received $ 790, which was 33 percent more than they had received in 1959.It appears that the middlemen"s profit has increased more than farmer"s. 43.According to economists at the First National City Bank, the profit for meat packers and food stores amounted to less than one percent. During the same period all other manufacturers were making a profit of more than five percent. By comparison with other members of the economic system both farmers and middlemen have profited surprisingly little from the rise in food prices. 44.______The economists at First National City Bank have an answer to give housewives, but many people will not like it. These economists blame the housewife herself for the jump in food prices. They say that food costs more now because women don"t want to spend much time in the kitchen. Women prefer to buy food which has already been prepared before it reaches the market. Vegetables and chicken cost more when they have been cut into pieces by someone other than the one who buys it. A family should expect to pay more when several "TV dinners" are taken home from the store. These are fully cooked meals, consisting of meat, vegetables, and sometimes dessert, all arranged on a metal dish. The dish is put into the oven and heated while the housewife is doing something else. Such a convenience costs money. 45. Economists remind us that many modem housewives have jobs outside the home. They earn money that helps to pay the family food bills. The housewife naturally has less time and energy for cooking after a day"s work. She wants to buy many kinds of food that can be put on her family"s table easily and quickly. "If the housewife wants all of these, " the economists say, "that is her privilege, but she must be prepared to pay for the services of those who make her work easier. " It appears that the answer to the question of rising prices is not a simple one. Producers, consumers, and middlemen all share the responsibility for the sharp rise in food costs. [A] However, some economists believe that controls can have negative effects over a long period of time. In cities with rent control, the city government sets the maximum rent that a landlord can charge for an apartment. [B] Farmers tend to blame others for the sharp rise in food prices. They particularly blame those who process the farm products after the products leave the farm. [C] Thus, as economists point out: "Some of the basic reasons for widening food price spreads are easily traceable to the increasing use of convenience foods, which transfer much of the time and work of meal preparation from the kitchen to the food processor"s plant. " [D] But some economists claim that the middleman"s actual profit was very low. [E] Who then is actually responsible for the size of the bill a housewife must pay before she carries the food home from the store" [F] But there is less agreement when reasons for the rise are being discussed. Who is really responsible [G] Economists do not. agree on some of the predictions. They also do not agree on the value of different decisions. Some economists support a particular decision while others criticize it.

答案: 正确答案:B
单项选择题

Credibility about messages is high, because they are reported in independent media. A newspaper review of a movie has more believability than an ad in the same paper, because the reader associates independence with objectivity. Similarly, people are more likely to pay attention to news reports than ads. Readers spend time reading the stories, but they flip through the ads. Furthermore, there may be 10 commercials during a half-hour television program or hundreds of ads in a magazine. Feature stories are much fewer in number and stand out clearly. Publicity also has some significant limitations. A firm has little control over messages, their timing, their placement, or their coverage by a given medium. It may issue detailed news releases and find only portions cited by the media; and media have the ability to be much more critical than a company would like. For example, in 1982, Proctrer & Gamble faced a substantial publicity problem over the meaning of its 123-year-old company logo. A few ministers and other private citizens believed that the symbol was sacrilegious. These beliefs were covered extensively by the media and resulted in the firm receiving 15,000 phone calls about the rumor in June alone. To combat this negative publicity, the firm issued news releases featuring prominent clergy that refuted the rumors, threatened to sue those people spreading the stories, and had a spokesperson appear on Good Morning America. The media cooperated with the company and the false rumor were temporarily put to rest. However, in 1985, negative publicity became so disruptive that Procter & Gamble decided to remove the logo from its products. A firm may want publicity during certain periods, such as when a new product is introduced or new store opened, but the media may not cover the introduction or opening until after the time it would aid the firm. Similarly, media determine the placement of a story; it may follow a report on crime or sports. Finally, the media ascertain whether to cover a story at all and the amount of coverage to be devoted to it. A company-sponsored jobs program might go unreported or receive three-sentence coverage in a local newspaper.The example in Paragraph 3 is intended to demonstrate______.

A.the power of publicity
B.the victim of publicity
C.the terrible effect of rumors
D.the vulnerability of people to publicity
单项选择题

Hippies were members of a youth movement of the 1960"s and 1970"s that started in the United States and spread to Canada, Great Britain, and many other countries. The hippies rejected the customs, traditions, and life styles of society and tried to develop those of their own. Most hippies came from white middle-class families and ranged in age from 15 to 25 years old. They thought too many adults cared about making money and little else. The term hippie may come from the word hip, which means "turned-in" or aware. Hippies wanted a world based on love of humanity and peace. Many believed that wonderful, magical changes were about to take place. They thought these changes would happen as soon as people learned to express their feelings honestly and to behave naturally at all times. Hippies strongly opposed U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War. Many hippies lived together in small groups, working with one another and sharing possessions. Others refused to be tied down to a fixed job or home. They wandered from place to place seeking part-time work and temporary shelter. Some begged for spare change and lived in the streets or camped in parks or other public lands. Hippies were sometimes called "flower children" because they gave people flowers to communicate gentleness and love. They let their hair grow long and walked barefoot or in sandals. Hippies attracted public attention by wearing clothing that featured unusual combinations of colors and textures. A large number of hippies used marijuana, LSD, and other drugs. Drug experiences shaped many of their symbols and ideas. The Beatles, a popular English rock group, helped spread the hippie movement with their song. Hippie favorites included such other rock groups as the Grateful Dead and the Jefferson Airplane, singers Joan Baez and Bob Dylan, poet Allen Ginsberg, and novelist Ken Kesey. Many hippies admired Timothy Leary, a psychologist who preached salvation through the use of drugs. In time, most hippies realized it was not easy to reform society by "dropping"out" of it. Some joined more organized political movements to work for specific social causes. Others turned to spirituality or religion. The majority simply left the hippie stage of their lives behind while trying to hold on to at least a few of the ideals that once inspired them.Which of the following statements is TRUE according to the passage

A.Many hippies had to beg because no firms would hire them.
B.Timothy Leary, a preacher, was the leader of the hippie movement.
C.Drugs produced a very important influence on hippies" ideas.
D.The hippie movement was first known to the British people through the Beatles songs.
单项选择题

For health insurance, the United States has taken the road less traveled. The United States is the only rich country without universal health insurance. People in the United States spend the most, rely heavily on the private sector, and obtain care from the world"s most complicated delivery system. While some supporters have expressed satisfaction, if not pride, in these remarkable qualities, others contend that the United States faces unique limitations in reforming health care. In her exceptional book, Parting at the Crossroads, Antonia Maioni compares the formation of the U.S. and Canadian health-care systems for the years 1930-60. The United States and Canada are often considered the most similar of Western democracies. They share a common border, are wealthy, and have federal government. Their trade unions are only moderately powerful, and their populations are diverse and young. Nevertheless, their health-insurance systems are nearly opposite. The United States relies on a mix of government plans, targeted to the elderly and indigent, and employment-based plans, which the government indirectly supports. Canada offers public health insurance to all qualified residents, with the private sector providing supplementary "services in some provinces. Labor organizations became strong advocates for health-insurance reform in both countries. Their impact partially depended on political institutions and how other actors, particularly organized medicine, wielded them. Canada"s governmental and electoral systems allowed labor to cooperate with a social democratic party in the Saskatchewan Province, which established a universal program. The Saskatchewan program demonstrated universal insurance feasibility, spurring the dominant Liberals to introduce a national universal program. In contrast, the U. S. electoral system effectively precluded third-party formation, forcing organized labor to dilute its health-insurance goals because it was one of many interests represented by the Democratic Party. Maioni suggested that economic vitality is important for the future of both countries" systems, but the prognosis is uncertain. Despite recent concerns about the Canadian government"s budgetary health, Maioni contends that widespread support protects universal insurance. Conversely, Maioni seems pessimistic about options for U.S. universal health insurance. Despite economic buoyancy, dissension will likely prevent reforms. Although a devastating economic downturn would make health finance difficult in either country, the U.S. system seems especially vulnerable. Employment-based insurance and Medicare both rely on labor market attachment. High, chronic unemployment could result in coverage loss and financial difficulties for employer insurance and Medicare, swelling the uninsured pool. Such a crisis could provide an opening for universal health insurance. In any case, whether the United States relies on the public or private sector, escalating health expenditures figure into budget of government, corporations, and families. The U.S. health care system"s future may depend on Americans" willingness to devote more of their national income to health care.The vulnerability of the U.S. insurance systems lies in______.

A.its failure to extend its coverage to the poor and elderly
B.its excessive dependence on the labor market
C.Americans" willingness to buy insurance
D.the willingness of the government to invest in them
单项选择题

People don"t want to buy information online. Why Because they don"t have to. No more than that because they"re used to not paying for it. That"s the conventional wisdom. Slate, Microsoft"s online politics-and-culture magazine, is an oft-cited example of the failed attempts to charge a fee for access to content. So far, for most publishers, it hasn"t worked. But nothing on the Web is a done deal. In September graphics-soft-ware powerhouse Adobe announced new applications that integrate commerce into downloading books and articles online, with Simon & Schuster, Barnes and Noble, and Salon. corn among its high-profile partners. Some analysts put the market for digitized publishing at more than $100 billion. Of course, if the Internet can generate that kind of money—some might say almost any kind of money—people want in. And this couldn"t come at a better time. Newspaper and magazine writers in particular are increasingly frustrated by their publishers, which post their writings online but frequently don"t pay them extra. So here"s the good news: Fathrain. com, the third biggest book-seller on the Net—after Amazon. com and Barnesandnoble. corn—is now doing just what the publishing industry that made it a success fears., it"s offering a secure way to pay for downloadable manuscripts online. Fatbrain calls it offshoot eMatter. With it, the company"s executives have the radical notion of ousting publishers from the book-selling business altogether by giving writers 50% of each and every sale (To reel in authors, eMatter is running a 100% royalty promotion until the end of the year. ) Suggested prices to consumers range from a minimum $ 2 to $ 20, depending on the size of the book to download. "This will change publishing forever!" Chris MaeAskill, co-founder and chief executive of Fatbrain, declares with the bravado of an interior decorator. "With eBay, anybody could sell antiques. Now anybody can be published. " There"s been no shortage of authors wanting in. Within a few weeks, according to the company, some 2,000 writers signed on to publish their works. Some of this is technical stuff—Fatbrain got where it is by specializing in technical books—but there are some well-known writers like Catherine Lanigan, author of Romancing the Stone, who has put her out-of-print books and a new novella on the site. Another popular draw is Richard Bach, who agreed to post a 23-page short story to the site. Not everyone thinks downloadable documents are the biggest thing in publishing since Oprah"s Book Club. "I think it will appeal to sellers more than buyers," says Michael May, a digitalcommerce analyst at Jupiter Communications, which released a report that cast doubt on the market"s potential. "A lot of people are going to publish gibberish. The challenge is to ensure the quality of the work. " Blaine Mathieu, an analyst at Gartner Group"s Dataquest, says, "Most people who want digital content want it immediately, I don"t know if this model would satisfy their immediate need. Even authors may not find that Web distribution of their works is going to bring them a pot of gold. For one thing, it could undermine sales rather than enhance them. For another, anybody could e-mail downloaded copies of manuscripts around town or around the world over the Net without the writer"s ever seeing a proverbial dime. " Softlock. com, Authentica and Fatbrain are trying to head this problem off by developing encryption padlocks that would allow only one hard drive to receive and print the manuscripts. For now, the problem persists.Which of the following can serve as an appropriate title for the passage

A.Who"s in E-commerce
B.Mind over eMatter
C.Sharing Brains on Net
D.E-publishing and Traditional Publishers
问答题

In the following text, some sentences have been removed. For Questions (41-45), choose the most suitable one from the list A-G to fit into each of the numbered blank. There are two extra choices, which do not fit in any of the gaps. In 1959 the average American family paid $ 989 for a year"s supply of food. In 1972 the family paid $1,311.That was a price increase of nearly one-third. Every family has had this sort of experience. Everyone agrees that the cost of feeding a family has risen sharply. 41.______. Many blame the farmers who produce the vegetables, fruit, meat, eggs, and cheese that stores offer for sale. According to the U. S. Department of Agriculture, the farmer"s share of the $1,311 spent by the family in 1972 was $ 521.This was 31 per cent more than the farmer had received in 1959. But farmers claim that this increase was very small compared to the increase in their cost of living. 42.______These include truck drivers, meat packers, manufacturers of packages and other food containers, and the owners of stores where food is sold. They are among the "middlemen" who stand between the farmer and the people who buy and eat the food. Are middlemen the ones to blame for rising food prices Of the $1,311 family food bill in 1972, middlement received $ 790, which was 33 percent more than they had received in 1959.It appears that the middlemen"s profit has increased more than farmer"s. 43.According to economists at the First National City Bank, the profit for meat packers and food stores amounted to less than one percent. During the same period all other manufacturers were making a profit of more than five percent. By comparison with other members of the economic system both farmers and middlemen have profited surprisingly little from the rise in food prices. 44.______The economists at First National City Bank have an answer to give housewives, but many people will not like it. These economists blame the housewife herself for the jump in food prices. They say that food costs more now because women don"t want to spend much time in the kitchen. Women prefer to buy food which has already been prepared before it reaches the market. Vegetables and chicken cost more when they have been cut into pieces by someone other than the one who buys it. A family should expect to pay more when several "TV dinners" are taken home from the store. These are fully cooked meals, consisting of meat, vegetables, and sometimes dessert, all arranged on a metal dish. The dish is put into the oven and heated while the housewife is doing something else. Such a convenience costs money. 45. Economists remind us that many modem housewives have jobs outside the home. They earn money that helps to pay the family food bills. The housewife naturally has less time and energy for cooking after a day"s work. She wants to buy many kinds of food that can be put on her family"s table easily and quickly. "If the housewife wants all of these, " the economists say, "that is her privilege, but she must be prepared to pay for the services of those who make her work easier. " It appears that the answer to the question of rising prices is not a simple one. Producers, consumers, and middlemen all share the responsibility for the sharp rise in food costs. [A] However, some economists believe that controls can have negative effects over a long period of time. In cities with rent control, the city government sets the maximum rent that a landlord can charge for an apartment. [B] Farmers tend to blame others for the sharp rise in food prices. They particularly blame those who process the farm products after the products leave the farm. [C] Thus, as economists point out: "Some of the basic reasons for widening food price spreads are easily traceable to the increasing use of convenience foods, which transfer much of the time and work of meal preparation from the kitchen to the food processor"s plant. " [D] But some economists claim that the middleman"s actual profit was very low. [E] Who then is actually responsible for the size of the bill a housewife must pay before she carries the food home from the store" [F] But there is less agreement when reasons for the rise are being discussed. Who is really responsible [G] Economists do not. agree on some of the predictions. They also do not agree on the value of different decisions. Some economists support a particular decision while others criticize it.

答案: 正确答案:D
单项选择题

Credibility about messages is high, because they are reported in independent media. A newspaper review of a movie has more believability than an ad in the same paper, because the reader associates independence with objectivity. Similarly, people are more likely to pay attention to news reports than ads. Readers spend time reading the stories, but they flip through the ads. Furthermore, there may be 10 commercials during a half-hour television program or hundreds of ads in a magazine. Feature stories are much fewer in number and stand out clearly. Publicity also has some significant limitations. A firm has little control over messages, their timing, their placement, or their coverage by a given medium. It may issue detailed news releases and find only portions cited by the media; and media have the ability to be much more critical than a company would like. For example, in 1982, Proctrer & Gamble faced a substantial publicity problem over the meaning of its 123-year-old company logo. A few ministers and other private citizens believed that the symbol was sacrilegious. These beliefs were covered extensively by the media and resulted in the firm receiving 15,000 phone calls about the rumor in June alone. To combat this negative publicity, the firm issued news releases featuring prominent clergy that refuted the rumors, threatened to sue those people spreading the stories, and had a spokesperson appear on Good Morning America. The media cooperated with the company and the false rumor were temporarily put to rest. However, in 1985, negative publicity became so disruptive that Procter & Gamble decided to remove the logo from its products. A firm may want publicity during certain periods, such as when a new product is introduced or new store opened, but the media may not cover the introduction or opening until after the time it would aid the firm. Similarly, media determine the placement of a story; it may follow a report on crime or sports. Finally, the media ascertain whether to cover a story at all and the amount of coverage to be devoted to it. A company-sponsored jobs program might go unreported or receive three-sentence coverage in a local newspaper.One of the reasons why feature stories seem more reliable than ads is that______.

A.they are more believable
B.they are more objective
C.readers like to spend time reading stories
D.they are much fewer in number and stand out clearly
单项选择题

Hippies were members of a youth movement of the 1960"s and 1970"s that started in the United States and spread to Canada, Great Britain, and many other countries. The hippies rejected the customs, traditions, and life styles of society and tried to develop those of their own. Most hippies came from white middle-class families and ranged in age from 15 to 25 years old. They thought too many adults cared about making money and little else. The term hippie may come from the word hip, which means "turned-in" or aware. Hippies wanted a world based on love of humanity and peace. Many believed that wonderful, magical changes were about to take place. They thought these changes would happen as soon as people learned to express their feelings honestly and to behave naturally at all times. Hippies strongly opposed U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War. Many hippies lived together in small groups, working with one another and sharing possessions. Others refused to be tied down to a fixed job or home. They wandered from place to place seeking part-time work and temporary shelter. Some begged for spare change and lived in the streets or camped in parks or other public lands. Hippies were sometimes called "flower children" because they gave people flowers to communicate gentleness and love. They let their hair grow long and walked barefoot or in sandals. Hippies attracted public attention by wearing clothing that featured unusual combinations of colors and textures. A large number of hippies used marijuana, LSD, and other drugs. Drug experiences shaped many of their symbols and ideas. The Beatles, a popular English rock group, helped spread the hippie movement with their song. Hippie favorites included such other rock groups as the Grateful Dead and the Jefferson Airplane, singers Joan Baez and Bob Dylan, poet Allen Ginsberg, and novelist Ken Kesey. Many hippies admired Timothy Leary, a psychologist who preached salvation through the use of drugs. In time, most hippies realized it was not easy to reform society by "dropping"out" of it. Some joined more organized political movements to work for specific social causes. Others turned to spirituality or religion. The majority simply left the hippie stage of their lives behind while trying to hold on to at least a few of the ideals that once inspired them.From the last paragraph, we know that the hippie movement finally declined because______.

A.most of the hippies turned to more active ways to reform the society
B.most of the hippies deemed the social problems of their time incorrigible
C.most of the hippies simply dropped out of it as they grew older
D.most of the hippies gave up some of their original ideas
单项选择题

For health insurance, the United States has taken the road less traveled. The United States is the only rich country without universal health insurance. People in the United States spend the most, rely heavily on the private sector, and obtain care from the world"s most complicated delivery system. While some supporters have expressed satisfaction, if not pride, in these remarkable qualities, others contend that the United States faces unique limitations in reforming health care. In her exceptional book, Parting at the Crossroads, Antonia Maioni compares the formation of the U.S. and Canadian health-care systems for the years 1930-60. The United States and Canada are often considered the most similar of Western democracies. They share a common border, are wealthy, and have federal government. Their trade unions are only moderately powerful, and their populations are diverse and young. Nevertheless, their health-insurance systems are nearly opposite. The United States relies on a mix of government plans, targeted to the elderly and indigent, and employment-based plans, which the government indirectly supports. Canada offers public health insurance to all qualified residents, with the private sector providing supplementary "services in some provinces. Labor organizations became strong advocates for health-insurance reform in both countries. Their impact partially depended on political institutions and how other actors, particularly organized medicine, wielded them. Canada"s governmental and electoral systems allowed labor to cooperate with a social democratic party in the Saskatchewan Province, which established a universal program. The Saskatchewan program demonstrated universal insurance feasibility, spurring the dominant Liberals to introduce a national universal program. In contrast, the U. S. electoral system effectively precluded third-party formation, forcing organized labor to dilute its health-insurance goals because it was one of many interests represented by the Democratic Party. Maioni suggested that economic vitality is important for the future of both countries" systems, but the prognosis is uncertain. Despite recent concerns about the Canadian government"s budgetary health, Maioni contends that widespread support protects universal insurance. Conversely, Maioni seems pessimistic about options for U.S. universal health insurance. Despite economic buoyancy, dissension will likely prevent reforms. Although a devastating economic downturn would make health finance difficult in either country, the U.S. system seems especially vulnerable. Employment-based insurance and Medicare both rely on labor market attachment. High, chronic unemployment could result in coverage loss and financial difficulties for employer insurance and Medicare, swelling the uninsured pool. Such a crisis could provide an opening for universal health insurance. In any case, whether the United States relies on the public or private sector, escalating health expenditures figure into budget of government, corporations, and families. The U.S. health care system"s future may depend on Americans" willingness to devote more of their national income to health care.The Saskatchewan program in Canada shows that______.

A.the labor union of a country can play a positive role in health-insurance reform
B.universal health insurance is practicable in a federal government
C.a third party is needed to coordinate the efforts of the government and the labor union
D.the electoral system has a direct impact on the insurance plan
单项选择题

People don"t want to buy information online. Why Because they don"t have to. No more than that because they"re used to not paying for it. That"s the conventional wisdom. Slate, Microsoft"s online politics-and-culture magazine, is an oft-cited example of the failed attempts to charge a fee for access to content. So far, for most publishers, it hasn"t worked. But nothing on the Web is a done deal. In September graphics-soft-ware powerhouse Adobe announced new applications that integrate commerce into downloading books and articles online, with Simon & Schuster, Barnes and Noble, and Salon. corn among its high-profile partners. Some analysts put the market for digitized publishing at more than $100 billion. Of course, if the Internet can generate that kind of money—some might say almost any kind of money—people want in. And this couldn"t come at a better time. Newspaper and magazine writers in particular are increasingly frustrated by their publishers, which post their writings online but frequently don"t pay them extra. So here"s the good news: Fathrain. com, the third biggest book-seller on the Net—after Amazon. com and Barnesandnoble. corn—is now doing just what the publishing industry that made it a success fears., it"s offering a secure way to pay for downloadable manuscripts online. Fatbrain calls it offshoot eMatter. With it, the company"s executives have the radical notion of ousting publishers from the book-selling business altogether by giving writers 50% of each and every sale (To reel in authors, eMatter is running a 100% royalty promotion until the end of the year. ) Suggested prices to consumers range from a minimum $ 2 to $ 20, depending on the size of the book to download. "This will change publishing forever!" Chris MaeAskill, co-founder and chief executive of Fatbrain, declares with the bravado of an interior decorator. "With eBay, anybody could sell antiques. Now anybody can be published. " There"s been no shortage of authors wanting in. Within a few weeks, according to the company, some 2,000 writers signed on to publish their works. Some of this is technical stuff—Fatbrain got where it is by specializing in technical books—but there are some well-known writers like Catherine Lanigan, author of Romancing the Stone, who has put her out-of-print books and a new novella on the site. Another popular draw is Richard Bach, who agreed to post a 23-page short story to the site. Not everyone thinks downloadable documents are the biggest thing in publishing since Oprah"s Book Club. "I think it will appeal to sellers more than buyers," says Michael May, a digitalcommerce analyst at Jupiter Communications, which released a report that cast doubt on the market"s potential. "A lot of people are going to publish gibberish. The challenge is to ensure the quality of the work. " Blaine Mathieu, an analyst at Gartner Group"s Dataquest, says, "Most people who want digital content want it immediately, I don"t know if this model would satisfy their immediate need. Even authors may not find that Web distribution of their works is going to bring them a pot of gold. For one thing, it could undermine sales rather than enhance them. For another, anybody could e-mail downloaded copies of manuscripts around town or around the world over the Net without the writer"s ever seeing a proverbial dime. " Softlock. com, Authentica and Fatbrain are trying to head this problem off by developing encryption padlocks that would allow only one hard drive to receive and print the manuscripts. For now, the problem persists.According to the passage, which of the following is NOT true

A.Most books sold by Fathrain are technical ones.
B.E-publishing will probably not replace the traditional publishing.
C.E-publishing companies have the techniques to prevent documents being spread freely on-line.
D.Many authors are quite interested in the new form of publishing.
问答题

In the following text, some sentences have been removed. For Questions (41-45), choose the most suitable one from the list A-G to fit into each of the numbered blank. There are two extra choices, which do not fit in any of the gaps. In 1959 the average American family paid $ 989 for a year"s supply of food. In 1972 the family paid $1,311.That was a price increase of nearly one-third. Every family has had this sort of experience. Everyone agrees that the cost of feeding a family has risen sharply. 41.______. Many blame the farmers who produce the vegetables, fruit, meat, eggs, and cheese that stores offer for sale. According to the U. S. Department of Agriculture, the farmer"s share of the $1,311 spent by the family in 1972 was $ 521.This was 31 per cent more than the farmer had received in 1959. But farmers claim that this increase was very small compared to the increase in their cost of living. 42.______These include truck drivers, meat packers, manufacturers of packages and other food containers, and the owners of stores where food is sold. They are among the "middlemen" who stand between the farmer and the people who buy and eat the food. Are middlemen the ones to blame for rising food prices Of the $1,311 family food bill in 1972, middlement received $ 790, which was 33 percent more than they had received in 1959.It appears that the middlemen"s profit has increased more than farmer"s. 43.According to economists at the First National City Bank, the profit for meat packers and food stores amounted to less than one percent. During the same period all other manufacturers were making a profit of more than five percent. By comparison with other members of the economic system both farmers and middlemen have profited surprisingly little from the rise in food prices. 44.______The economists at First National City Bank have an answer to give housewives, but many people will not like it. These economists blame the housewife herself for the jump in food prices. They say that food costs more now because women don"t want to spend much time in the kitchen. Women prefer to buy food which has already been prepared before it reaches the market. Vegetables and chicken cost more when they have been cut into pieces by someone other than the one who buys it. A family should expect to pay more when several "TV dinners" are taken home from the store. These are fully cooked meals, consisting of meat, vegetables, and sometimes dessert, all arranged on a metal dish. The dish is put into the oven and heated while the housewife is doing something else. Such a convenience costs money. 45. Economists remind us that many modem housewives have jobs outside the home. They earn money that helps to pay the family food bills. The housewife naturally has less time and energy for cooking after a day"s work. She wants to buy many kinds of food that can be put on her family"s table easily and quickly. "If the housewife wants all of these, " the economists say, "that is her privilege, but she must be prepared to pay for the services of those who make her work easier. " It appears that the answer to the question of rising prices is not a simple one. Producers, consumers, and middlemen all share the responsibility for the sharp rise in food costs. [A] However, some economists believe that controls can have negative effects over a long period of time. In cities with rent control, the city government sets the maximum rent that a landlord can charge for an apartment. [B] Farmers tend to blame others for the sharp rise in food prices. They particularly blame those who process the farm products after the products leave the farm. [C] Thus, as economists point out: "Some of the basic reasons for widening food price spreads are easily traceable to the increasing use of convenience foods, which transfer much of the time and work of meal preparation from the kitchen to the food processor"s plant. " [D] But some economists claim that the middleman"s actual profit was very low. [E] Who then is actually responsible for the size of the bill a housewife must pay before she carries the food home from the store" [F] But there is less agreement when reasons for the rise are being discussed. Who is really responsible [G] Economists do not. agree on some of the predictions. They also do not agree on the value of different decisions. Some economists support a particular decision while others criticize it.

答案: 正确答案:E
单项选择题

Credibility about messages is high, because they are reported in independent media. A newspaper review of a movie has more believability than an ad in the same paper, because the reader associates independence with objectivity. Similarly, people are more likely to pay attention to news reports than ads. Readers spend time reading the stories, but they flip through the ads. Furthermore, there may be 10 commercials during a half-hour television program or hundreds of ads in a magazine. Feature stories are much fewer in number and stand out clearly. Publicity also has some significant limitations. A firm has little control over messages, their timing, their placement, or their coverage by a given medium. It may issue detailed news releases and find only portions cited by the media; and media have the ability to be much more critical than a company would like. For example, in 1982, Proctrer & Gamble faced a substantial publicity problem over the meaning of its 123-year-old company logo. A few ministers and other private citizens believed that the symbol was sacrilegious. These beliefs were covered extensively by the media and resulted in the firm receiving 15,000 phone calls about the rumor in June alone. To combat this negative publicity, the firm issued news releases featuring prominent clergy that refuted the rumors, threatened to sue those people spreading the stories, and had a spokesperson appear on Good Morning America. The media cooperated with the company and the false rumor were temporarily put to rest. However, in 1985, negative publicity became so disruptive that Procter & Gamble decided to remove the logo from its products. A firm may want publicity during certain periods, such as when a new product is introduced or new store opened, but the media may not cover the introduction or opening until after the time it would aid the firm. Similarly, media determine the placement of a story; it may follow a report on crime or sports. Finally, the media ascertain whether to cover a story at all and the amount of coverage to be devoted to it. A company-sponsored jobs program might go unreported or receive three-sentence coverage in a local newspaper.The passage implies that______.

A.the placement of a story is not quite important
B.the report of a crime may not be true
C.local newspapers are not interested in company-sponsored programs
D.publicity is not always necessary
单项选择题

For health insurance, the United States has taken the road less traveled. The United States is the only rich country without universal health insurance. People in the United States spend the most, rely heavily on the private sector, and obtain care from the world"s most complicated delivery system. While some supporters have expressed satisfaction, if not pride, in these remarkable qualities, others contend that the United States faces unique limitations in reforming health care. In her exceptional book, Parting at the Crossroads, Antonia Maioni compares the formation of the U.S. and Canadian health-care systems for the years 1930-60. The United States and Canada are often considered the most similar of Western democracies. They share a common border, are wealthy, and have federal government. Their trade unions are only moderately powerful, and their populations are diverse and young. Nevertheless, their health-insurance systems are nearly opposite. The United States relies on a mix of government plans, targeted to the elderly and indigent, and employment-based plans, which the government indirectly supports. Canada offers public health insurance to all qualified residents, with the private sector providing supplementary "services in some provinces. Labor organizations became strong advocates for health-insurance reform in both countries. Their impact partially depended on political institutions and how other actors, particularly organized medicine, wielded them. Canada"s governmental and electoral systems allowed labor to cooperate with a social democratic party in the Saskatchewan Province, which established a universal program. The Saskatchewan program demonstrated universal insurance feasibility, spurring the dominant Liberals to introduce a national universal program. In contrast, the U. S. electoral system effectively precluded third-party formation, forcing organized labor to dilute its health-insurance goals because it was one of many interests represented by the Democratic Party. Maioni suggested that economic vitality is important for the future of both countries" systems, but the prognosis is uncertain. Despite recent concerns about the Canadian government"s budgetary health, Maioni contends that widespread support protects universal insurance. Conversely, Maioni seems pessimistic about options for U.S. universal health insurance. Despite economic buoyancy, dissension will likely prevent reforms. Although a devastating economic downturn would make health finance difficult in either country, the U.S. system seems especially vulnerable. Employment-based insurance and Medicare both rely on labor market attachment. High, chronic unemployment could result in coverage loss and financial difficulties for employer insurance and Medicare, swelling the uninsured pool. Such a crisis could provide an opening for universal health insurance. In any case, whether the United States relies on the public or private sector, escalating health expenditures figure into budget of government, corporations, and families. The U.S. health care system"s future may depend on Americans" willingness to devote more of their national income to health care.The passage is most likely to be______.

A.a summary of a government-sponsored program in health policy study
B.a review of a book in health-care system study
C.a survey of the influence of economic policies on health-care system
D.a critical commentary on the U.S. health-care system
单项选择题

Hippies were members of a youth movement of the 1960"s and 1970"s that started in the United States and spread to Canada, Great Britain, and many other countries. The hippies rejected the customs, traditions, and life styles of society and tried to develop those of their own. Most hippies came from white middle-class families and ranged in age from 15 to 25 years old. They thought too many adults cared about making money and little else. The term hippie may come from the word hip, which means "turned-in" or aware. Hippies wanted a world based on love of humanity and peace. Many believed that wonderful, magical changes were about to take place. They thought these changes would happen as soon as people learned to express their feelings honestly and to behave naturally at all times. Hippies strongly opposed U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War. Many hippies lived together in small groups, working with one another and sharing possessions. Others refused to be tied down to a fixed job or home. They wandered from place to place seeking part-time work and temporary shelter. Some begged for spare change and lived in the streets or camped in parks or other public lands. Hippies were sometimes called "flower children" because they gave people flowers to communicate gentleness and love. They let their hair grow long and walked barefoot or in sandals. Hippies attracted public attention by wearing clothing that featured unusual combinations of colors and textures. A large number of hippies used marijuana, LSD, and other drugs. Drug experiences shaped many of their symbols and ideas. The Beatles, a popular English rock group, helped spread the hippie movement with their song. Hippie favorites included such other rock groups as the Grateful Dead and the Jefferson Airplane, singers Joan Baez and Bob Dylan, poet Allen Ginsberg, and novelist Ken Kesey. Many hippies admired Timothy Leary, a psychologist who preached salvation through the use of drugs. In time, most hippies realized it was not easy to reform society by "dropping"out" of it. Some joined more organized political movements to work for specific social causes. Others turned to spirituality or religion. The majority simply left the hippie stage of their lives behind while trying to hold on to at least a few of the ideals that once inspired them.The author"s attitude towards the hippie movement is one of______.

A.criticism
B.sympathy
C.detestation
D.enthusiasm
问答题

In the following text, some sentences have been removed. For Questions (41-45), choose the most suitable one from the list A-G to fit into each of the numbered blank. There are two extra choices, which do not fit in any of the gaps. In 1959 the average American family paid $ 989 for a year"s supply of food. In 1972 the family paid $1,311.That was a price increase of nearly one-third. Every family has had this sort of experience. Everyone agrees that the cost of feeding a family has risen sharply. 41.______. Many blame the farmers who produce the vegetables, fruit, meat, eggs, and cheese that stores offer for sale. According to the U. S. Department of Agriculture, the farmer"s share of the $1,311 spent by the family in 1972 was $ 521.This was 31 per cent more than the farmer had received in 1959. But farmers claim that this increase was very small compared to the increase in their cost of living. 42.______These include truck drivers, meat packers, manufacturers of packages and other food containers, and the owners of stores where food is sold. They are among the "middlemen" who stand between the farmer and the people who buy and eat the food. Are middlemen the ones to blame for rising food prices Of the $1,311 family food bill in 1972, middlement received $ 790, which was 33 percent more than they had received in 1959.It appears that the middlemen"s profit has increased more than farmer"s. 43.According to economists at the First National City Bank, the profit for meat packers and food stores amounted to less than one percent. During the same period all other manufacturers were making a profit of more than five percent. By comparison with other members of the economic system both farmers and middlemen have profited surprisingly little from the rise in food prices. 44.______The economists at First National City Bank have an answer to give housewives, but many people will not like it. These economists blame the housewife herself for the jump in food prices. They say that food costs more now because women don"t want to spend much time in the kitchen. Women prefer to buy food which has already been prepared before it reaches the market. Vegetables and chicken cost more when they have been cut into pieces by someone other than the one who buys it. A family should expect to pay more when several "TV dinners" are taken home from the store. These are fully cooked meals, consisting of meat, vegetables, and sometimes dessert, all arranged on a metal dish. The dish is put into the oven and heated while the housewife is doing something else. Such a convenience costs money. 45. Economists remind us that many modem housewives have jobs outside the home. They earn money that helps to pay the family food bills. The housewife naturally has less time and energy for cooking after a day"s work. She wants to buy many kinds of food that can be put on her family"s table easily and quickly. "If the housewife wants all of these, " the economists say, "that is her privilege, but she must be prepared to pay for the services of those who make her work easier. " It appears that the answer to the question of rising prices is not a simple one. Producers, consumers, and middlemen all share the responsibility for the sharp rise in food costs. [A] However, some economists believe that controls can have negative effects over a long period of time. In cities with rent control, the city government sets the maximum rent that a landlord can charge for an apartment. [B] Farmers tend to blame others for the sharp rise in food prices. They particularly blame those who process the farm products after the products leave the farm. [C] Thus, as economists point out: "Some of the basic reasons for widening food price spreads are easily traceable to the increasing use of convenience foods, which transfer much of the time and work of meal preparation from the kitchen to the food processor"s plant. " [D] But some economists claim that the middleman"s actual profit was very low. [E] Who then is actually responsible for the size of the bill a housewife must pay before she carries the food home from the store" [F] But there is less agreement when reasons for the rise are being discussed. Who is really responsible [G] Economists do not. agree on some of the predictions. They also do not agree on the value of different decisions. Some economists support a particular decision while others criticize it.

答案: 正确答案:C
问答题

Read the following text carefully and then translate the underlined segments into Chinese. The taking of the Bastille fortress, a symbol of arbitrary royal authority, was undoubtedly of revolutionary importance, in terms of weakening the monarchy and legitimising popular defiance. But other days have a fair claim to historic symbolism too: August 26th 1789, when the Declaration of the Rights of Man was adopted, for instance, or August 10th 1792, when the Tuileries Palace was stormed and the monarchy suspended. Besides, the commemoration of July 14th scarcely began in revolutionary spirit. At a military fete to mark its first anniversary in 1790, and to celebrate the new constitutional settlement, the Marquis de Lafayette, a French general, swore an oath "to be forever faithful to the Nation, to the Law and to the King". Dismayed, Jean-Paul Marat, a radical journalist and politician, described the proceedings that day as "shameful", adding: "The Revolution, as yet, has been merely a sorrowful dream for the people!" As Mr. Prendergast recalls, the fall of the Bastille was not quite the stuff of epic myth. Strictly speaking, the prison was not "taken"; the mob surged into its inner courtyard only after the governor, the Marquis de Launay, had offered a surrender. Although the crowd was primarily in search of arms, it found just seven prisoners to be freed. 47. "Happenstance, paranoia and random violence" characterised the event, with rumour and counter-rumour fuelling acts of ferocious brutality. Launay himself was dragged out by the mob, his body ripped to shreds and his head hacked off by a cook with a kitchen knife, before being stuck on a pike for public view. Napoleon Bonaparte abolished the July 14th celebration altogether. It was not resurrected as "Bastille Day" until 1880, nearly a century after the original events. The idea then, proposed by Benjamin Raspail, a deputy, was to create a "national festival", as part of a republican package that also included adopting " La Marseillaise" as the French national anthem. Composed by Claude-Joseph Rouget de Lisle, a young engineer stationed with the army of the Rhine, it was written in a single night in 1792.In 1880 the deputies argued passionately about which date to pick for the " national festival ". 48. Nobody, as Mr Prendergast points out, proposed September 22nd 1792, the actual date of the founding of the first French republic, for fear of legitimising the Terror that it unleashed. July 14th was thus a political compromise. It merged the revolutionary message of 1789 with that of unity and reconciliation expressed by the anniversary fete of 1790.49. Partly to help heal the wounds of defeat in the Franco-Prussian war, Bastille Day was given a military theme which lasts to this day, and wrapped up in nationalist imagery "the union of army and nation under the flag". Since then, at various moments of crisis in French history, Bastille Day has been invested with differing messages, according to the needs of the time: working-class solidarity and revolutionary promise for the Front Populaire and the government of Leon Blum in 1936; liberation from occupation and the resistance-as-revolution myth in 1945.Today, it is mostly pageantry, with a lingering touch of popular festivity. 50. But Mr Prendergast cannot conceal his scorn for what, he considers, has become "an altogether shoddier affair, progressively mummified into formal ritual orchestrated by assorted dignitaries" and "media kitsch". For the French these days, he concludes a little too cruelly, it is perhaps above all regarded as "essentially a day off work".

答案: 正确答案:毫无疑问,从削弱君权、合理反抗王权来说,巴士底狱——一个皇权专制权威的象征沦陷,具有革命性的意义。
问答题

Read the following text carefully and then translate the underlined segments into Chinese. The taking of the Bastille fortress, a symbol of arbitrary royal authority, was undoubtedly of revolutionary importance, in terms of weakening the monarchy and legitimising popular defiance. But other days have a fair claim to historic symbolism too: August 26th 1789, when the Declaration of the Rights of Man was adopted, for instance, or August 10th 1792, when the Tuileries Palace was stormed and the monarchy suspended. Besides, the commemoration of July 14th scarcely began in revolutionary spirit. At a military fete to mark its first anniversary in 1790, and to celebrate the new constitutional settlement, the Marquis de Lafayette, a French general, swore an oath "to be forever faithful to the Nation, to the Law and to the King". Dismayed, Jean-Paul Marat, a radical journalist and politician, described the proceedings that day as "shameful", adding: "The Revolution, as yet, has been merely a sorrowful dream for the people!" As Mr. Prendergast recalls, the fall of the Bastille was not quite the stuff of epic myth. Strictly speaking, the prison was not "taken"; the mob surged into its inner courtyard only after the governor, the Marquis de Launay, had offered a surrender. Although the crowd was primarily in search of arms, it found just seven prisoners to be freed. 47. "Happenstance, paranoia and random violence" characterised the event, with rumour and counter-rumour fuelling acts of ferocious brutality. Launay himself was dragged out by the mob, his body ripped to shreds and his head hacked off by a cook with a kitchen knife, before being stuck on a pike for public view. Napoleon Bonaparte abolished the July 14th celebration altogether. It was not resurrected as "Bastille Day" until 1880, nearly a century after the original events. The idea then, proposed by Benjamin Raspail, a deputy, was to create a "national festival", as part of a republican package that also included adopting " La Marseillaise" as the French national anthem. Composed by Claude-Joseph Rouget de Lisle, a young engineer stationed with the army of the Rhine, it was written in a single night in 1792.In 1880 the deputies argued passionately about which date to pick for the " national festival ". 48. Nobody, as Mr Prendergast points out, proposed September 22nd 1792, the actual date of the founding of the first French republic, for fear of legitimising the Terror that it unleashed. July 14th was thus a political compromise. It merged the revolutionary message of 1789 with that of unity and reconciliation expressed by the anniversary fete of 1790.49. Partly to help heal the wounds of defeat in the Franco-Prussian war, Bastille Day was given a military theme which lasts to this day, and wrapped up in nationalist imagery "the union of army and nation under the flag". Since then, at various moments of crisis in French history, Bastille Day has been invested with differing messages, according to the needs of the time: working-class solidarity and revolutionary promise for the Front Populaire and the government of Leon Blum in 1936; liberation from occupation and the resistance-as-revolution myth in 1945.Today, it is mostly pageantry, with a lingering touch of popular festivity. 50. But Mr Prendergast cannot conceal his scorn for what, he considers, has become "an altogether shoddier affair, progressively mummified into formal ritual orchestrated by assorted dignitaries" and "media kitsch". For the French these days, he concludes a little too cruelly, it is perhaps above all regarded as "essentially a day off work".

答案: 正确答案:“偶发事件、偏执狂和随心所欲的暴力”成了这次行动的关键词,互相矛盾的流言更让残酷的暴行火上浇油。
问答题

Read the following text carefully and then translate the underlined segments into Chinese. The taking of the Bastille fortress, a symbol of arbitrary royal authority, was undoubtedly of revolutionary importance, in terms of weakening the monarchy and legitimising popular defiance. But other days have a fair claim to historic symbolism too: August 26th 1789, when the Declaration of the Rights of Man was adopted, for instance, or August 10th 1792, when the Tuileries Palace was stormed and the monarchy suspended. Besides, the commemoration of July 14th scarcely began in revolutionary spirit. At a military fete to mark its first anniversary in 1790, and to celebrate the new constitutional settlement, the Marquis de Lafayette, a French general, swore an oath "to be forever faithful to the Nation, to the Law and to the King". Dismayed, Jean-Paul Marat, a radical journalist and politician, described the proceedings that day as "shameful", adding: "The Revolution, as yet, has been merely a sorrowful dream for the people!" As Mr. Prendergast recalls, the fall of the Bastille was not quite the stuff of epic myth. Strictly speaking, the prison was not "taken"; the mob surged into its inner courtyard only after the governor, the Marquis de Launay, had offered a surrender. Although the crowd was primarily in search of arms, it found just seven prisoners to be freed. 47. "Happenstance, paranoia and random violence" characterised the event, with rumour and counter-rumour fuelling acts of ferocious brutality. Launay himself was dragged out by the mob, his body ripped to shreds and his head hacked off by a cook with a kitchen knife, before being stuck on a pike for public view. Napoleon Bonaparte abolished the July 14th celebration altogether. It was not resurrected as "Bastille Day" until 1880, nearly a century after the original events. The idea then, proposed by Benjamin Raspail, a deputy, was to create a "national festival", as part of a republican package that also included adopting " La Marseillaise" as the French national anthem. Composed by Claude-Joseph Rouget de Lisle, a young engineer stationed with the army of the Rhine, it was written in a single night in 1792.In 1880 the deputies argued passionately about which date to pick for the " national festival ". 48. Nobody, as Mr Prendergast points out, proposed September 22nd 1792, the actual date of the founding of the first French republic, for fear of legitimising the Terror that it unleashed. July 14th was thus a political compromise. It merged the revolutionary message of 1789 with that of unity and reconciliation expressed by the anniversary fete of 1790.49. Partly to help heal the wounds of defeat in the Franco-Prussian war, Bastille Day was given a military theme which lasts to this day, and wrapped up in nationalist imagery "the union of army and nation under the flag". Since then, at various moments of crisis in French history, Bastille Day has been invested with differing messages, according to the needs of the time: working-class solidarity and revolutionary promise for the Front Populaire and the government of Leon Blum in 1936; liberation from occupation and the resistance-as-revolution myth in 1945.Today, it is mostly pageantry, with a lingering touch of popular festivity. 50. But Mr Prendergast cannot conceal his scorn for what, he considers, has become "an altogether shoddier affair, progressively mummified into formal ritual orchestrated by assorted dignitaries" and "media kitsch". For the French these days, he concludes a little too cruelly, it is perhaps above all regarded as "essentially a day off work".

答案: 正确答案:但如Prendergast先生所言,没有一个人提议1792年9月22日,这个法兰西第一共和国建立的日子。所有人...
问答题

Read the following text carefully and then translate the underlined segments into Chinese. The taking of the Bastille fortress, a symbol of arbitrary royal authority, was undoubtedly of revolutionary importance, in terms of weakening the monarchy and legitimising popular defiance. But other days have a fair claim to historic symbolism too: August 26th 1789, when the Declaration of the Rights of Man was adopted, for instance, or August 10th 1792, when the Tuileries Palace was stormed and the monarchy suspended. Besides, the commemoration of July 14th scarcely began in revolutionary spirit. At a military fete to mark its first anniversary in 1790, and to celebrate the new constitutional settlement, the Marquis de Lafayette, a French general, swore an oath "to be forever faithful to the Nation, to the Law and to the King". Dismayed, Jean-Paul Marat, a radical journalist and politician, described the proceedings that day as "shameful", adding: "The Revolution, as yet, has been merely a sorrowful dream for the people!" As Mr. Prendergast recalls, the fall of the Bastille was not quite the stuff of epic myth. Strictly speaking, the prison was not "taken"; the mob surged into its inner courtyard only after the governor, the Marquis de Launay, had offered a surrender. Although the crowd was primarily in search of arms, it found just seven prisoners to be freed. 47. "Happenstance, paranoia and random violence" characterised the event, with rumour and counter-rumour fuelling acts of ferocious brutality. Launay himself was dragged out by the mob, his body ripped to shreds and his head hacked off by a cook with a kitchen knife, before being stuck on a pike for public view. Napoleon Bonaparte abolished the July 14th celebration altogether. It was not resurrected as "Bastille Day" until 1880, nearly a century after the original events. The idea then, proposed by Benjamin Raspail, a deputy, was to create a "national festival", as part of a republican package that also included adopting " La Marseillaise" as the French national anthem. Composed by Claude-Joseph Rouget de Lisle, a young engineer stationed with the army of the Rhine, it was written in a single night in 1792.In 1880 the deputies argued passionately about which date to pick for the " national festival ". 48. Nobody, as Mr Prendergast points out, proposed September 22nd 1792, the actual date of the founding of the first French republic, for fear of legitimising the Terror that it unleashed. July 14th was thus a political compromise. It merged the revolutionary message of 1789 with that of unity and reconciliation expressed by the anniversary fete of 1790.49. Partly to help heal the wounds of defeat in the Franco-Prussian war, Bastille Day was given a military theme which lasts to this day, and wrapped up in nationalist imagery "the union of army and nation under the flag". Since then, at various moments of crisis in French history, Bastille Day has been invested with differing messages, according to the needs of the time: working-class solidarity and revolutionary promise for the Front Populaire and the government of Leon Blum in 1936; liberation from occupation and the resistance-as-revolution myth in 1945.Today, it is mostly pageantry, with a lingering touch of popular festivity. 50. But Mr Prendergast cannot conceal his scorn for what, he considers, has become "an altogether shoddier affair, progressively mummified into formal ritual orchestrated by assorted dignitaries" and "media kitsch". For the French these days, he concludes a little too cruelly, it is perhaps above all regarded as "essentially a day off work".

答案: 正确答案:另外,在一定程度上也是为了弥合普法战争失利的创伤,巴干底狱日又被赋予了军事意义,一直延续至今,并补置于“旗帜下...
问答题

Read the following text carefully and then translate the underlined segments into Chinese. The taking of the Bastille fortress, a symbol of arbitrary royal authority, was undoubtedly of revolutionary importance, in terms of weakening the monarchy and legitimising popular defiance. But other days have a fair claim to historic symbolism too: August 26th 1789, when the Declaration of the Rights of Man was adopted, for instance, or August 10th 1792, when the Tuileries Palace was stormed and the monarchy suspended. Besides, the commemoration of July 14th scarcely began in revolutionary spirit. At a military fete to mark its first anniversary in 1790, and to celebrate the new constitutional settlement, the Marquis de Lafayette, a French general, swore an oath "to be forever faithful to the Nation, to the Law and to the King". Dismayed, Jean-Paul Marat, a radical journalist and politician, described the proceedings that day as "shameful", adding: "The Revolution, as yet, has been merely a sorrowful dream for the people!" As Mr. Prendergast recalls, the fall of the Bastille was not quite the stuff of epic myth. Strictly speaking, the prison was not "taken"; the mob surged into its inner courtyard only after the governor, the Marquis de Launay, had offered a surrender. Although the crowd was primarily in search of arms, it found just seven prisoners to be freed. 47. "Happenstance, paranoia and random violence" characterised the event, with rumour and counter-rumour fuelling acts of ferocious brutality. Launay himself was dragged out by the mob, his body ripped to shreds and his head hacked off by a cook with a kitchen knife, before being stuck on a pike for public view. Napoleon Bonaparte abolished the July 14th celebration altogether. It was not resurrected as "Bastille Day" until 1880, nearly a century after the original events. The idea then, proposed by Benjamin Raspail, a deputy, was to create a "national festival", as part of a republican package that also included adopting " La Marseillaise" as the French national anthem. Composed by Claude-Joseph Rouget de Lisle, a young engineer stationed with the army of the Rhine, it was written in a single night in 1792.In 1880 the deputies argued passionately about which date to pick for the " national festival ". 48. Nobody, as Mr Prendergast points out, proposed September 22nd 1792, the actual date of the founding of the first French republic, for fear of legitimising the Terror that it unleashed. July 14th was thus a political compromise. It merged the revolutionary message of 1789 with that of unity and reconciliation expressed by the anniversary fete of 1790.49. Partly to help heal the wounds of defeat in the Franco-Prussian war, Bastille Day was given a military theme which lasts to this day, and wrapped up in nationalist imagery "the union of army and nation under the flag". Since then, at various moments of crisis in French history, Bastille Day has been invested with differing messages, according to the needs of the time: working-class solidarity and revolutionary promise for the Front Populaire and the government of Leon Blum in 1936; liberation from occupation and the resistance-as-revolution myth in 1945.Today, it is mostly pageantry, with a lingering touch of popular festivity. 50. But Mr Prendergast cannot conceal his scorn for what, he considers, has become "an altogether shoddier affair, progressively mummified into formal ritual orchestrated by assorted dignitaries" and "media kitsch". For the French these days, he concludes a little too cruelly, it is perhaps above all regarded as "essentially a day off work".

答案: 正确答案:不过,Prendergast先生掩饰不住自己的嘲讽:“纯粹的面子工程,正慢慢演变成各类高官权贵主导的毫无生气的...
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